Heartbeat legislation, extermination centers, and the Constitution
Put bluntly, Democrats vastly support extermination of their unwanted preborn while Republican support is less likely. Two recent issues have forced a wider gulf on abortion than ever: Science has shown a fetal heartbeat at six weeks of pregnancy, and many taxpayers oppose funding extermination clinics. If we followed the Constitution, abortion would not be government approved in all states, and the practice would not be federally funded.
Republican Iowa Governor Kim Reynolds just signed a law banning abortions when a heartbeat can be detected, normally at about six weeks of pregnancy. The new law, set to begin July 1, will replace a 20-week law passed last year. Exceptions to the law include some cases of rape or incest or to save a mother’s life; otherwise, it is pretty firm. Acknowledging that the law may be litigated, she said, “This is bigger than just a law, this is about life, and I’m not going to back down.” Mississippi already has a similar law banning extermination after 15 weeks.
Opposed by Democrats and supported by Republicans, a string of other states are poised to legislate it in. When the term to justify extinction was “viability” of the fetus (even full-term deliveries are not viable without human intervention), elimination appeared “reasonable” to some until science showed the existence of a heartbeat at 16 weeks. Then it seemed more like a human baby — like killing humankind. Especially when most physicians believe fetus pain is present.
The other issue, funding primarily extermination centers like Planned Parenthood with forced taxpayer dollars through Title X, seemed wrong and unjust to those who view abortion as killing their own. For years, those for abortion have gotten away with terminology suggesting that what existed in the womb was a mere glob of cells or just tissue. The result, has been conditioned public insensitivity. Forgive my intended bluntness to shock even the most insensitive into understanding the issue.
Many who work in Planned Parenthood centers admit that perhaps 80 percent of what they do is exterminating underdeveloped humans. This is not family planning; it is instead the destruction of the family. Nor are such centers primarily for women’s health unless you can argue that pregnant women are unhealthy because they are pregnant. Abortion is not healthcare.
If women’s health were the real issue, redistributing the annual $260 million in Title X grants, now given to Planned Parenthood, instead to hundreds of genuine comprehensive women’s health clinics would better serve vastly more women. But funding extermination centers remains the primary purpose of Planned Parenthood.
Since Roe Vs. Wade, we have aborted 60,449,039 in the U.S. Abortion pictures on the Internet often show tiny human body parts that were separated from the whole body when a scalpel was used to cut up the body, making it easier to expel.
Sadly, abortion would not be a federal issue if both political parties followed the listed limits of federal power in the Constitution as designed. The word “abortion” is not found in the Constitution, nor is it inferred, and no new amendment to the Constitution has been added moving it from a state power (where all powers not specifically identified in the Constitution as federal reside) to a federal prerogative. Instead, from its inception the Constitution housed the philosophy of federalism (shared government), the federal government intended to manage foreign policy and states’ domestic policy.
Without constitutional perversion to original intent, the Supreme Court cannot rule, as it did in Roe Vs. Wade in 1973, in such a way as to create new law in an area where no federal law first existed or was subsequently added by way of a constitutional amendment. That we have traveled some 45 years from the Constitution in this particular area is not authority to extend that travel.
Article 1, Section 8 lists federal powers. This clause divides all federal power into the four following areas: to tax, pay debt, and provide for the general welfare and common defense. So as to restrict the federal government from enlarging its power, which is its natural tendency to do, the last two grants of power of the four each had an additional eight clauses giving clarity to what was meant by general welfare (clauses 2–9) and common defense (clauses 10–17). Outside these qualifiers, the federal government has no power to tax, spend, legislate, administrate, or adjudicate.
Even with the clarification of the list, states fearing that the federal government might still like to grow at their expense refused to ratify the Constitution without additional restrictions harnessing it more fully to the enumerated powers, hence the Bill of Rights. These end with the handcuffs of Amendment 10: “The powers not delegated to the United States by the Constitution, nor prohibited by it to the States, are reserved to the States respectively, or to the people.”
The problem with the federal government going off the list and funding or assuming powers clearly not on it is that each time it does so, even once, the stronger the inclination to do so again. One minor departure begets another until one notices that what the federal government does has little or no relationship to the list. The result, in this case, is that mothers, encouraged by their federal government, exterminated over 60 million of their own — about 10 times the number of Jews allegedly killed in the universally condemned Nazi holocaust death camps.
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